Editor’s note: Jude Ndukwe,
an outspoken author and political analyst, writes on the work ethics of
the spokespeople of the APC and President Muhammadu Buhari. The days of
propaganda dissemination are now gone, Mr Ndukwe says, so the
representatives of the highest-ranking political officials or bodies in
Nigeria must stick to the truth and objectiveness.
In his essay titled #Buharigate As the Limit of Obstructionist
Politics that was widely published in the media recently, Garba Shehu,
one of the president’s spokespersons, further confirmed what many
Nigerians from all political divides have always known about President
Muhammadu Buhari, the APC and its “Change” mantra. This continues from
the narrative making the rounds in certain quarters about the saintly,
austere and frugal lifestyle of the president upon which, according to
Shehu, the APC rode to power.
Obviously, that essay was written to enlighten those who still
harbour some doubt about the well-publicised determination of the
president to fight corruption and rein in anyone who has been found
remotely, directly or indirectly, to have soiled themselves with the
public till. It laid in unmistakeable terms, as everyone in the
president’s camp has always done, the blame for our nation’s woes
squarely on the doorstep of the former president Goodluck Jonathan and
the PDP, or, at least, that was the agenda the essay set out to further
achieve.
However, there are certain truths in the said article which the
writer unintentionally unearthed and which also exposed in greater
dimension the lies colourfully, forcefully and consistently paraded as
incontrovertible facts over time to little-discerning members of the
public.
While hailing the no-nonsense stance of President Buhari on
corruption, Garba Shehu reemphasised to us what we have always known:
that the fight against corruption was nothing but an agenda deliberately
crafted by the current administration to not only demonise the PDP
before the whole world, destroy its electoral value thereby leaving only
the APC as the dominant party without opposition or a dissenting voice,
but also to completely decimate the party, imprison its leaders,
humiliate its elders and intimidate its followers by not only convicting
them on the pages of newspapers and in the social media, but also by
engaging the services of gutless and willing judges to do their
injudicious biddings.
Or how else can one explain Shehu’s impudent declaration: “As the war
on corruption heightens, the political battle-line between the
governing APC and the opposition, the PDP, has sharply been drawn”?
This, no doubt, infers that the so-called war on corruption is just
against anyone in the PDP, and that as long as anyone belongs to the
APC, they arefree to “go and sin (no) more,” no matter the extent
of their involvement in corruption.
Does this not explain why cases of corruption involving the APC
chieftains and inherited by the ruling party have been “technically”
discontinued either by outright withdrawal of such charges, as in one of
the cases involving Timipre Sylva, the APC’s governorship candidate in
the yet-to-be concluded Bayelsa election, or through a deliberate
mishandling of the cases as to make judges strike out the suits for
“abuse of court processes”? In one of the rulings, Justice Ahmed
Mohammed of the the Federal High Court, Abuja, stated clearly that the
“prosecutor [showed that] he did not have the intentions to prosecute
the case to logical conclusion”. That was a case involving a whopping
N19.2bn of public funds deliberately undermined just because Sylva, now a
chieftain of the APC, was involved.
Could it also be a coincidence that, instead of dissociating
themselves from people with criminal tendencies, the APC keeps rewarding
them with gubernatorial tickets? Apart from Sylva, Abubakar Audu was
rewarded with this largesse that has become the hallmark of a party that
prides itself as an anti-corruption icon despite having a case of N11bn
fraud against him in court. If, post May 29, we have had two
governorship elections in Nigeria and the two candidates APC presented
are enmeshed in corruption cases, the next general elections would
definitely see the number grow geometrically.
It is a laughable thing Shehu concluded that the PDP only “challenge
the government in every move it makes, but fail to spell out alternative
roadmaps to curbing the monstrous corruption…” It is a well-known fact
that the PDP has voiced support for the fight against corruption as long
as it is fought rightly.
The alternative roadmaps which the PDP has suggested and vigorously
canvassed for a successful anti-corruption fight, but which people like
Shehu, blinded by excessive partisanship, have refused to see, say the
fight should be all-encompassing and not selective as is currently being
done, and that court orders must as a matter of necessity be obeyed at
all times, as disobedience or selective obedience of court orders by any
party in a democratic entity like ours is the worst form of corruption
and a recipe for chaos, anarchy and doom. What other alternative
roadmaps could be as invaluable as these?
With the worsening economic crisis and security situation of our
country, it is easy to deduce that the reason for this unfortunate turn
of events is that the APC has never given attention to issues of
governance. Rather, since it took over on May 29, the party is
obtrusively still in opposition mode and has preoccupied itself with the
PDP thereby giving little attention to the real socio-economic issues
of society.
The futile attempts to vitiate the democratic principles and outlook
of the PDP in that essay fell flat. While saying that the PDP “can’t
heal itself unless the party’s internal structures are overhauled and
remade to meet the minimum requirements of a democratic
organisation,” the president’s spokesman forgot to add that the election
that brought in an opposition party to power was conducted under the
supervision of the PDP. Not only that, a major crisis was averted when
the same PDP, unlike what has become the bane and a factor militating
against democratic growth in Africa, handed over power willingly and
almost on bended knees to a recalcitrant and belligerent opposition just
to ensure that our democracy is not truncated despite the glaring
partisanship of the electoral umpire that favoured the APC. What more
“democratic requirements” does a party like that need?
If there is any party that should learn democratic principles, it is
the APC. After all, this is a party that just suspended one of its
foremost members, Shehu Sani, a senator of the federal republic, just
for holding dissenting views from that of a governor, Nasir El-Rufai,
who Obasanjo describes in his memoir My Watch as a man who has a
penchant for lying, for unfair embellishment of stories. The same
El-Rufai who shamelessly claimed and deliberately misinformed Nigerians
that former president Goodluck Jonathan spent N64bn on independence
celebrations during the period of his presidency when, in actual fact,
what was spent was N333m. How does one expect a fine mind like Senator
Shehu Sani to agree with such a man? It is the eighth wonder of the
world how a man like Senator Sani ended up in APC!
The main import of Shehu’s essay was to attempt to wash the hands of
Buhari clean of what has come to be popularly known as #Dasukigate and
what he claimed to be a counterpoise by the PDP known as #Buharigate.
This stems from the fact that Buhari received “gift” of cars from the
Jonathan administration purportedly from the office of the national
security adviser after his armoured SUV was rocked by explosion, thereby
getting entangled in the corruption cases against colonel Sambo Dasuki
(rtd) and others.
In trying to extricate his paymaster from the episode, Shehu
described the car gifts as Buhari’s rightful entitlements having been
denied same over the years by successive administrations. He further
claimed that those who delivered the cars to Buhari just few days after
his car was bombed merely told his aides that the cars were from the
federal government in fulfilment of its obligations to him, and since
this was his entitlement, the general accepted them without asking
further questions even though they were short of what was expected.
Every other person whose name was mentioned in the Dasuki saga was
declared guilty immediately by the APC and their apologists on the pages
of newspapers and the social media even before they were charged. But
the moment Buhari’s name came into the mix, all manners of excuses were
manufactured for him and the “need to exercise restraint on such
matters” became a sing-song of Buharists.
Others could be guilty, but Buhari cannot? Shehu cannot take us for a
ride all at the same time. It is common knowledge that those vehicles
were given to Buhari to replace the bombed ones. The question is, why
did Buhari accept such gifts from the federal government when he knew
full well that bombed cars are usually replaced by insurance companies
and not the federal government? Why did Buhari not ask for his other
entitlements after the cars were delivered if indeed he saw them as his
entitlements? Did he make any representation calling the attention of
the federal government to the shortfall? If his cars were to be replaced
after every four years, was it up to four years since he received the
last set before the ones sent after the bomb attack?
Shehu knows that an independent investigator would puncture all his
arguments in this regard. To make matters worse, he reminds Nigerians
about the certificate saga of Buhari in the run-up to the elections,
calling the army names for saying Buhari has no WAEC certificate, yet,
seven months into his presidency, Buhari has still not shown Nigerians
his certificate. Shehu would have been a respectable spokesperson if he
had just shown us his master’s certificate if he has any.
Lastly, in eulogising Buhari’s moral standing as an African
phenomenon, Shehu reminds us with relish how presidential candidates of
countries like Niger, Chad and Ghana were going about campaigning as the
“Buhari” of their country. He also said President Buhari must have
himself been embarrassed by calls, through newspaper articles, posters
and banners in the course of his visits to these friendly countries,
saying: “We want Buhari type [of] elections…”
Shehu would have done nationals of those countries a lot of good if
he could just tell them the truth that the exemplary election they so
desire was conducted under the supervision of Goodluck Jonathan and not
Buhari. That the two gubernatorial elections conducted so far under
Buhari’s watch have ended inconclusively, and one is sure that no
Chadian, no Nigerien or Ghanaian would want inconclusive elections for
their countries. And that the ruling party that allowed for a peaceful
election and handover was the PDP, the same party Shehu and his party,
the APC, seek to decimate so as to make way for a one-party state.
In this circumstance, rather than grandstand, honest aides would
strongly advise their principals to submit themselves for investigation
or trial. This is the least we expect from the likes of Garba Shehu, his
lord, Buhari, and their party, the APC. The days of deceit are long
gone. The era of selling falsehood as propaganda has since passed. No
matter how much they try, Nigerians can no longer be deceived by the
well-oiled pens of slippery writers who rashly put pen to paper under
the guise of presidential spokespersons.
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